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Thursday, 19 May 2011 14:08 Slide News
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Bill GateThe Netherlands Development Organisation (SNV) is implementing a four-year project to assist smallholder farmers in three African countries to supply their national School Feeding Programmes.


 

The Project known as: “Procurement governance for home grown school feeding programmes” which is to be implemented in Ghana, Kenya and Mali is been funded by the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation with a $7.5 million grant.

 

For 16 of the last 18 years Bill Gates has been the richest person on Earth. More than a decade ago, he decided to start handing over the “large majority” of his wealth – currently $56 billion – for the foundation to distribute, so that “the people with the most urgent needs and the fewest champions” in the world, as he and his wife Melinda put it on the foundation website, “grow up healthier, get a better education, and gain the power to lift themselves out of poverty”.  It is regarded as the world’s largest private foundation.

Under the Project over 78,000 farmers from these countries will gain access to previously denied markets, improve their livelihoods and incomes, while millions of children will receive better nutrition through their schools.

Mrs Fati Bodua Seidu, Country Coordinator of the Project, said under the project in Ghana, 20 districts will be selected and it is expected that over 10,000 smallholder farmers, including at least 30% women will gain access to the Ghana School Feeding Programme (GSFP) as a market.

She said the over dependence of smallholder farmers on market prices mirrors their vulnerability since increase in production lead to price deterioration because domestic demand for staple crop is inelastic.

She said although some marginal efforts have been made to procure local food for the GSFP, procuring food crops from smallholder farmers in the beneficiary communities in a planned, coordinated, participatory and strategic manner still remains a challenge.

She said for smallholder farmers to gain access to these markets there is the need to explore feasible supply and procurement chains for the GSFP and to strengthen the linkages between the GSFP as market and caterers, processors and smallholder farmers for active participation and ownership of local institutions.

She said creating alternative viable markets for these smallholder farmers will greatly boost local food production and enhance their incomes.

Seidu Adamu, National Coordinator of the GSFP, said the programme started in 2005/6 academic year in 10 pilot schools, one in each of the administrative regions of the country.

As the year went by, the number of beneficiary pupils was scaled-up disproportionately without giving equal attention to all the objectives of the programme.

He said this reflected in the number of beneficiary pupils standing at about 697,416 as at December 2010, but the distribution were inversely proportional to the poverty and food vulnerability indices, as the Ashanti, Brong Ahafo and Greater Accra regions accounted for over 62% of the total population of the beneficiaries but were not among the poorest regions of the country.

Meanwhile in Kumasi, the Implementation Committees of GSFP has been asked to closely monitor the management of the programme at all levels to maintain high levels of efficiency.

The Kumasi Metropolitan Chief Executive, Samuel Sarpong, said they should do everything to ensure that meals for the school children are prepared under hygienic conditions and well-balanced to improve their health.

He said the food should also be ready on time to prevent any disruption of teaching and learning in the schools.

Sarpong was recently speaking during an orientation workshop for caterers of the programme in Kumasi in the Ashanti Region. The goal is to expose them to best management and health practices.

Sarpong said all should accept to play their expected roles well to help realize the twin objective of boosting school enrolment and making the economic situation of the local farmers better.

He spoke out against the conduct of some stakeholders whose actions and inactions are making it difficult to achieve the set objectives.

He advised the participants to take the workshop seriously for the success and longevity of the programme.

The Deputy Regional Minister, Madam Anima Wilson, spoke of the government’s determination to strengthen the management of the feeding programme.

 

 

 

Last Updated ( Saturday, 18 February 2012 11:58 )
 
Wednesday, 16 March 2011 14:09 Slide News
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caterpillarBecause an extensive, well maintained network of roads is essential for economic development, road construction and maintenance projects have been a mainstay of the World Bank’s lending portfolio since its founding. This long experience in the roads sector is reflected in favorable project evaluations.

The Bank’s Independent Evaluation Group reports that roads and other transport projects consistently score higher on measures of outcomes, institutional development, and sustainability than non-transport projects and the Bank’s Quality Assurance Group has found that roads projects are well-supervised.

 

At the same time, roads projects around the globe remain plagued by fraud, corruption, and collusion. A Transparency International poll ranked construction as the industry most prone to corruption and a survey of international firms revealed that companies in the construction industry were more likely than firms in any other sector to have lost a contract because of bribery.

World Bank-financed projects are not immune. Roughly one-fourth of the 500 plus projects with a Bank-funded roads component approved over the past decade drew one or more allegations of fraud, corruption, or collusion; to date, the Bank’s Integrity Vice Presidency (INT) has confirmed allegations in 25 projects resulting in 29 cases of misconduct under Bank rules.

The most common forms of wrongdoing in these 29 cases are collusion among firms bidding on a project and fraud and corruption in the execution of the resulting contract.

The Bank has controls to reduce these forms of misconduct—procurement process reviews, financial audits, and field supervision—and evidence suggests that losses in Bank-financed programs are less than in those not subject to Bank oversight. Nonetheless, for the developing countries of the world, any loss on a road project, whether funded by the World Bank or not, is unacceptable.

This report, (Curbing Fraud, Corruption, Collusion in the Roads Sector), explores how the World Bank and developing nations can reduce losses from collusion in procurement and fraud and corruption in contract execution, drawing on what INT has learned from its investigations of Bank-funded roads projects, investigations and reports by borrowing country governments, and the experience of developed countries.

The aim is twofold: (a) to provide input into the World Bank’s review of its policies and processes as part of the ongoing reform of its business model, and (b) to inform a broader dialogue on ways to prevent collusion in procurement, and fraud and corruption in contract execution in all roads projects—no matter the funding source.

The report begins with a review of the findings in 29 cases of misconduct in World Bank-funded projects. It follows with an analysis of the incidence of collusion in procurement in non-Bank projects and estimates of its impact on project price. It then examines measures developed countries have taken to attack collusion and suggests how they can be adapted to the environment in developing countries. Some steps will be the same regardless of the country context.

A country should have laws penalizing bid rigging, market division, and other forms of collusive behavior along with the commitment and capacity to enforce them. Other steps will depend upon the market conditions and other country-specific circumstances and risks.

Some countries may wish to limit subcontracting or revise the rules governing how firms qualify to bid on contracts. Other countries may decide that more significant changes in procurement procedures are required. The report suggests that in considering such reforms, trade-offs may be required to ensure that the values of transparency, capacity-building through subcontracting, and other goals are pursued in a manner that does not inadvertently limit competition by facilitating collusion.

While preventing fraud and corruption during the execution of a road contract should be everybody’s job, the standard road contract used by the World Bank and most developing countries assigns this responsibility to the consulting engineer. The engineer approves all payment requests and change orders, ensuring in every instance that the road is built according to specifications and that value for money is received. The engineer is thus the guardian of project integrity. In World Bank supported projects, however, INT has found instances where the engineer was asleep at the post and others where the post was altogether deserted. Strengthening the engineer, changing the incentives faced on the job, or even retaining a second guardian to guard the first guardian are some of the suggestions the report advances.

A need to appoint someone to guard the guardian is a sign of a systemic problem and INT’s findings echo earlier reports by governments, NGOs, academics, and donor agencies; collusion and corruption are sometimes deeply ingrained in the roads sector. The schemes may involve not only firms but roads agency personnel and even senior officials. In these later cases, the system feeds off itself. The higher the colluders raise the price, the more they can pay in bribes and kickbacks. The more they pay, the more they have to cheat the government to make a profit. The more corruption, the more all wrongdoers stand to gain. Thus all have a shared interest in business as usual.

When collusion or corruption is systemic, change requires breaking the cycle of abuse by bringing in someone from the outside—a prosecution service, anticorruption agency, competition law authority, supreme audit institution, or, in the case of a local government, the national government. If senior officials are involved, introducing an outsider can be particularly challenging.

When corruption is deeply ingrained, short-term palliatives, such as an independent procurement evaluator or technical auditor, may be the answer.

More drastic measures may also be required and the report reviews three: the use of bid ceilings, competitive negotiation, and turning procurement over to an independent agent. Not all corruption is systemic, and thus not all reforms require such significant steps.

In the World Bank supported Bali Urban Infrastructure Project, the circulation of tender notices to firms in other provinces defeated a local bidding ring.

In the Philippines, civil society monitors uncovered corrupt schemes in a variety of government contracts, and in the second phase of the National Road Improvement and Management Project, civil society groups will monitor all phases of the work. The report suggests that, in addition to expanding project-level preventive measures, more attention should be paid to project supervision, especially in high-risk environments, with a particular focus on verification of cost estimates and the identification of collusive bidding.

A review of the World Bank’s supervision strategy for roads projects may also be in order, something that might include ensuring that seasoned road engineers are available to assist clients and enhance technical supervision of the projects.

None of the steps recommended are costless, but the losses from collusion, corruption, and fraud can be substantial. This report seeks to spur a dialogue inside and outside the World Bank on how to more effectively combat collusion, fraud and corruption and thus produce better development outcomes.

 

 

 

Last Updated ( Saturday, 18 February 2012 12:31 )
 
Wednesday, 16 March 2011 14:09 Slide News
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SpendWith a taste for Jimmy Choo shoes and Hermes handbags, Choice Okoro’s idea of shopping is a world away from her mother’s.

 

“My mother would not pay what I pay for shoes,” said Okoro, a Nigerian professional in her late 30s as she prowled the sleek Westgate shopping mall in her adopted home of Nairobi.

“At my age, my mother had nine of us. The reality for Africa is that we are the new breed,” she said. She spends an average of about $500 a month on clothing and shoes - a breathtaking sum in the world’s poorest continent.

These mushrooming aspirations for Hugo Boss suits, Prada sunglasses and Louis Vuitton purses is reminiscent of India and China more than a decade ago, experts say, although Africa still has a long haul to match Asia’s roaring demand for bling.

Africa’s population of people whose fortunes are large enough to qualify as ‘high net worth individuals’ was the fastest growing in the world in 2009-2010, according to the latest annual report from Merrill Lynch and Capgemini.

Of course, an exclusive band - usually of government elites - have for decades shopped in London, Paris and New York.

However rising disposable incomes and the development of shiny new malls mean more Africans can now buy their luxury at home.

Sub-Saharan economies are among the fastest growing in the world. The region itself is expected to average six percent growth this year, driven by continued demand for oil and minerals.

Besides national commodity wealth, in South Africa many people with ties to the ruling African National Congress have benefited from lucrative government contracts, or tenders, spawning a brash new elite known as ‘tenderpreneurs’.

But serious money is still concentrated in the hands of a lucky few, meaning many buyers of luxury brands in Africa are ‘aspirational consumers,’ or shoppers who will splurge on a product even when they may not be able to afford it.

“I’m not rich, but I have a few Gucci jeans,” said David Zwane, a South African chartered accountant shopping in Sandton City, suburban Johannesburg’s flagship up-market mall.

“Rich is when you are able to eat sushi off half-naked women’s bodies and pour expensive champagne on a crowd of people,” he said, referring to a birthday party thrown by one South African businessman who was photographed in the media doing just that.

Dressed in a trim Lacoste T-shirt and fashionable jeans, Zwane said he had spent 10,000 rand (just over $1300) on a silver Mont Blanc bracelet for his wife’s Christmas present.

Africa’s infatuation with expensive luxury brands is most visible in its cars: the potholed streets of Nairobi, Lagos and Johannesburg’s Soweto Township are increasingly home to Audis, BMWs and Mercedes-Benz.

Many consumers pay for big-ticket items with credit, which could pose a risk to the economy. “Luxury goods are a status symbol for Nigerians,” said Edwards Efe, a 42-year-old telecom executive shopping for a Swatch watch and Polo cologne at The Palms, a shopping centre in Lagos.

“It doesn’t have to do with your income, it has to do with the taste and class you want to associate with and that’s why you find that sometimes we borrow to finance these things.”

South Africa’s central bank has repeatedly warned that debt levels are too high in the continent’s biggest economy. Household debt currently stands at 75% of disposable income, the South African Reserve Bank said in December.

For comparison, in Brazil, this ratio was 42.5% in October 2011.

On average, South Africans spend seven percent of their disposable incomes just on servicing their debts. During a 2009 recession, banks were hit hard by ballooning bad debts at vehicle finance units.

Isabel Cavill, an analyst with research firm Planet Retail in London, expects affluent shoppers to continue to multiply in Africa, but much more slowly than in China and India: “We’re looking at this as a very sort of long-term development.”

For local shop managers, the steady growth in recent years has been noticeable. As recently as five years ago, some high-end stores in Johannesburg’s Sandton City Mall could go a full day without selling anything, according to several managers who spoke to Reuters. That’s not the case now.

“We are seeing more and more people coming to shop. On average we get 30 customers per day,” said one manager at the Sandton City branch of an international fashion house. But she added that less than half the visitors actually buy something.

Even smaller countries that are still reliant on foreign aid, such as Senegal, are starting to see more lavish shopping habits.

Dakar, the West African country’s capital, is home to the $35 million Sea Plaza Mall, opened in 2010, and the nearby Radisson Blu luxury hotel.

The work of media-shy Senegalese businessman Yerim Sow, both sites have become top attractions and draw as many as 4,500 visitors on a busy day.

Part of Sow’s idea behind Sea Plaza was to dispel the misconception that top-end commercial retail centres cannot succeed in sub-Saharan Africa, said Cheikh Saadbou Niang, the mall’s head of administration.

Sea Plaza is home to fashion labels such as Hugo Boss, Mango and Guess, as well as haute couture apparel shops and high-end electronics stores. “It is like the Champs Elysees right here in Dakar,” said one shopper walking to his car, trailed by a shop assistant carrying a 40-inch flat screen television.

In addition to Senegal, German fashion house Hugo Boss has established a presence in several other African countries that have been so far been overlooked by big-name global retailers such as Mozambique, Angola and Ivory Coast.

The brand has four stores in South Africa alone. Nearly 80% of the customers who visit its Sandton City branch are ‘black diamonds’, reckons Surtee Sulimann, a brand manager.

“Some of them can spend $24,000 without blinking an eye,” he said. “And we get a lot of people from Nigeria and Angola.”

Other retailers are joining in. Zara, the popular label of Spain’s Inditex, opened its first Sub-Saharan store, in South Africa, late last year.

Cape Town-based retailer Woolworths, which is similar in style and products to Britain’s Marks and Spencer’s, is aggressively ramping up its presence on the continent.

It aims to double the number of its African stores outside of South Africa to 120 by 2014, Chief Executive Ian Moir said last month. Target countries include Nigeria, Uganda, Mozambique and Kenya.

But global retailers face plenty of hurdles in Africa, particularly from the continent’s notoriously poor infrastructure and widespread administrative corruption.

“Possession of cars and motorcycles in Ghana, for example, has increased by 81% since 2006,” the report said.

Africans also have better access to electricity and high-speed Internet, have fewer children and spend more money on educating their offspring than poorer people do.

“The number of Internet users, which can be used as a proxy for middle class lifestyles, has increased from about 4.5 million people in 2000 to 80.6 million people in 2008,” the report says.

On the political level, the middle class is better informed and more concerned about human rights and the quality of public services, and likely to demand more accountability from their governments.

AfDB says this rising middle class can be a key factor in helping African countries base growth more on domestic demand and less on exports.

Agencies

 

 

Last Updated ( Saturday, 18 February 2012 13:27 )
 
Wednesday, 16 March 2011 14:09 Slide News
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Good ProcurementDear reader, whereas procurement rules and regulations are primarily meant to safeguard public funds, they are also beneficial to the private enterprises involved in the procurement arena.

The main purpose of such legislation is often to foster economy and efficiency in the use of public funds - to give value-for-money.

The state and its subsidiary organs are normally obliged under domestic law and various international agreements to transact procurement in a fair, transparent and non-discriminatory manner.

A public procurement system, which meets these objectives, will contribute also to the creation of a sound business climate in the country. This sound business climate definitely enriches those involved in the private enterprise transactions – as long as they abide by the set regulations and laws.

According to experts in this field, the essence of public procurement legislation is to define, and enforce, those procedures that are most likely to produce an economic and efficient result, while respecting the public nature of the process and the duty of fairness to the suppliers.

Economy in public procurement is not subject to a test similar to that of purchasing in the private sector: namely, good procurement contributes to profits and poor purchasing creates the risk of going bankrupt. Instead, the best way government entities demonstrate that they obtained the best terms available under the circumstances is to make use of competition between all those interested in, and qualified for, supplying the goods or services in question.

Public procurement means the process of acquiring goods, works and services by procuring entities from private entrepreneurs. The process includes purchasing, hiring, leasing or any other contractual means of engaging suppliers in the provision of public services to the public. Concession contracts or activities undertaken as part of privatization programmes are often included. One borderline issue of scope that government officials must decide concerns the question of whether disposal of government property in addition to acquisition should be covered by the public procurement legislation. The reason would be that both of these activities need to be carried out with due regard to economy and efficiency and in accordance with some procedure which is fair, transparent and non- discriminatory.

Public procurement procedures are, therefore, designed to generate maximum competition. This explains the preference for open tendering in most national and international procurement systems. This preference is subject; however, to the need for eliminating competitors who are not qualified and the goal of keeping the procurement process efficient in the sense of adapting procedures to the size and complexity of the contract.

Experts further emphasise that public procurement legislation for this purpose normally makes open tendering the preferred procedure; describes in detail the steps involved in open tendering (preparation of invitations to tender and tender documents, advertisements, submission and opening of tenders, examination and evaluation of tenders, award and conclusion of contract).

It also defines the circumstances under which methods other than open tendering may be used (e.g. restricted tendering, request for quotations), describes those other procedures; lays down rules concerning essential elements in the process (e.g. qualification of tenderers, technical specifications, records of proceedings, evaluation of tender).

Having defined the entities required to follow, the public procurement procedures, and the content of the procedures, public procurement legislation also includes provisions to ensure proper enforcement of the rules.

Procuring entities must be held accountable for the responsibilities assigned to them. This can be done through value-for-money audits concerning the use of public funds. The audits may take place ex-post, or after the fact.

Some mechanism are available to allow the government to investigate and take action against corrupt practices and, thus, against more serious cases of flouting the public procurement regulations. For maximum effectiveness, this is normally applied to on-going public procurement transactions, to include injunctions to stop or correct such transactions. These reviews can also be used to assure conformance to international norms, such as those of the World Trade Organisation Government Procurement Agreement.

Legislation provides also for an independent appeals system that would address complaints from aggrieved bidders and would provide remedies against violations of the legislation. It is generally effective to have a procedure by which interested parties can bring complaints, initially, to the head of the procuring entity and, in the second instance, to the responsible manager in government for public procurement to take administrative remedies to correct violations of the regulations – in Uganda this is done by the Public Procurement and Disposal of Public Assets Authority (PPDA).

Often the authority to issue regulations on public procurement rests with the Minister of Finance – which is charged with putting in place an oversight authority for this purpose. Because the Ministry of Finance is also a procuring entity, several countries have placed their national procurement policy organisations at the level of the Prime Minister or Office of the President. This helps to increase at least the appearance of independence of the organisation.

 

 

Last Updated ( Saturday, 18 February 2012 13:26 )
 

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